Tuesday, September 28, 2021

Monday, September 27, 2021

 

 

"Tú nunca entenderás lo que te quiero, porque duermes en mí y estás dormido. Yo te oculto llorando, perseguido por una voz de penetrante acero."

- Federico García Lorca

 















 

NON à l'islamisation
de la France et de l'Europe !


La justice islamo-gauchiste ("Mur des Cons")
a encore frappé.



France : Relaxe de l'imam de Toulouse poursuivi
pour avoir appelé dans un prêche à tuer des juifs

Le parquet de Toulouse a fait appel de la relaxe de l'imam de la mosquée du quartier Empalot jugé à Toulouse, le 14 septembre 2021, pour "incitation à la haine raciale". 

Dans un prêche en arabe diffusé sur les réseaux sociaux, il appelait les musulmans à tuer les juifs.

Ce 21 septembre 2021, le Parquet de Toulouse a décidé de faire appel de la décision du tribunal correctionnel de relaxer Mohamed Tataïat l'Imam de la mosquée d'Empalot.

Le 14 septembre 2021, la justice avait considéré dans son délibéré que "l'infraction n'(était) pas caractérisée".

Selon le texte traduit lors de l'enquête, l'imam, 58 ans, avait cité dans un prêche en arabe du 15 décembre 2017 un hadith proclamant : "Le jour du jugement ne parviendra que quand les Musulmans combattront les Juifs, le Juif se cachera derrière l'arbre et la pierre, et l'arbre et la pierre diront : Oh Musulman, oh serviteur de Dieu, il y a un Juif derrière moi, viens et tue-le, sauf Algharqada, qui est l'un des arbres des Juifs".

Cette décision du tribunal correctionnel de Toulouse avait beaucoup ému les parties civiles, la qualifiant de "totalement incompréhensible".

Le Parquet réclamait six mois d'emprisonnement avec sursis 

En 2018, le parquet de Toulouse avait ouvert une enquête préliminaire après avoir reçu un signalement visant une vidéo dans laquelle on pouvait voir ce prêche.

"Nous sommes à Toulouse qui a connu un attentat où des enfants ont été tués", avait indiqué en juin dans son réquisitoire la représentante du Parquet, Mme Alix-Marie Cabot-Chaumeton, en référence aux élèves de l'école juive Ozar Hatorah tués par Mohamed Merah * en 2012, avant de réclamer six mois d'emprisonnement avec sursis à l'encontre de l'imam.

La vice-procureure avait estimé que "l'intention de la provocation à la haine apparai(ssait) caractérisée", soulignant que M. Tataïat, "une autorité morale" pour sa communauté, aurait dû accompagner ses propos d'éléments de contexte et d'explication.

L'imam a été détaché en France par le ministère algérien des Affaires religieuses qui le rémunère. D'abord à la Grande Mosquée de Paris de 1985 à 1986, puis à Toulouse en 1987.

Source: Fance3-Régions, Staff, September 21, 2021


* Mohamed Merah est un terroriste islamiste franco-algérien ayant perpétré les tueries de mars 2012 à Toulouse et Montauban.

En trois expéditions, il assassine sept personnes dont trois enfants juifs et fait six blessés. Ses déplacements à bord d'un scooter volé lui valent le surnom de « tueur au scooter ». Il est finalement abattu par le RAID le 22 mars 2012, au terme d'une tentative d'interpellation qui a duré 32 heures. 

Le 19 mars 2012 vers 8 h, Mohamed Merah gare un scooter devant le collège-lycée juif Otzar Hatorah situé dans un quartier résidentiel de Toulouse. Armé d'un 11,43 et d'un pistolet mitrailleur de type mini-Uzi, il ouvre le feu sur un groupe de personnes rassemblées devant l'établissement. 

Il tue un enseignant et ses deux enfants. 

La première arme s'enrayant, le terroriste sort la seconde, pénètre dans la cour, met à terre la fille du directeur âgée de huit ans, et lui tire dans la tempe à bout portant

L'homme s'enfuit en scooter après avoir atteint de deux balles un adolescent qui se réfugiait dans sa chambre. L'après-midi, il joue au football avec les enfants d'une « relation » aux Izards  et finit la soirée dans une boîte de nuit toulousaine, le Bahia.(Wikipédia)


DEHORS !

Sunday, September 26, 2021

 


"Il n'y a pas de mots. Il n'y a plus de mots."


 



Friday, September 24, 2021

 




















Source: Mitch (Twitter)

 





 

Once a Jolly Religion


Afghanistan | Strict punishment,
executions will return: Senior official


Mullah Nooruddin Turabi
KABUL, Afghanistan (AP) — One of the founders of the Taliban and the chief enforcer of its harsh interpretation of Islamic law when they last ruled Afghanistan said the hard-line movement will once again carry out executions and amputations of hands, though perhaps not in public.

In an interview with The Associated Press, Mullah Nooruddin Turabi (pictured) dismissed outrage over the Taliban’s executions in the past, which sometimes took place in front of crowds at a stadium, and he warned the world against interfering with Afghanistan’s new rulers.

“Everyone criticized us for the punishments in the stadium, but we have never said anything about their laws and their punishments,” Turabi told The Associated Press, speaking in Kabul. “No one will tell us what our laws should be. We will follow Islam and we will make our laws on the Quran.” 

A deeply conservative, hard-line worldview

Since the Taliban overran Kabul on Aug. 15 and seized control of the country, Afghans and the world have been watching to see whether they will re-create their harsh rule of the late 1990s. Turabi’s comments pointed to how the group’s leaders remain entrenched in a deeply conservative, hard-line worldview, even if they are embracing technological changes, like video and mobile phones.

Turabi, now in his early 60s, was justice minister and head of the so-called Ministry of Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice — effectively, the religious police — during the Taliban’s previous rule. 

At that time, the world denounced the Taliban’s punishments, which took place in Kabul’s sports stadium or on the grounds of the sprawling Eid Gah mosque, often attended by hundreds of Afghan men. 

Judicial amputations and public executions

Executions of convicted murderers were usually by a single shot to the head, carried out by the victim’s family, who had the option of accepting “blood money” and allowing the culprit to live. For convicted thieves, the punishment was amputation of a hand. For those convicted of highway robbery, a hand and a foot were amputated.

Trials and convictions were rarely public and the judiciary was weighted in favor of Islamic clerics, whose knowledge of the law was limited to religious injunctions.

Turabi said that this time, judges — including women — would adjudicate cases, but the foundation of Afghanistan’s laws will be the Quran. He said the same punishments would be revived.

“Cutting off of hands is very necessary for security,” he said, saying it had a deterrent effect. He said the Cabinet was studying whether to do punishments in public and will “develop a policy.”

In recent days in Kabul, Taliban fighters have revived a punishment they commonly used in the past — public shaming of men accused of small-time theft. 

On at least two occasions in the last week, Kabul men have been packed into the back of a pickup truck, their hands tied, and were paraded around to humiliate them. In one case, their faces were painted to identify them as thieves. In the other, stale bread was hung from their necks or stuffed in their mouth. It wasn’t immediately clear what their crimes were.

Wearing a white turban and a bushy, unkempt white beard, the stocky Turabi limped slightly on his artificial leg. He lost a leg and one eye during fighting with Soviet troops in the 1980s.

Under the new Taliban government, he is in charge of prisons. He is among a number of Taliban leaders, including members of the all-male interim Cabinet, who are on a United Nations sanctions list.

During the previous Taliban rule, he was one of the group’s most ferocious and uncompromising enforcers. When the Taliban took power in 1996, one of his first acts was to scream at a woman journalist, demanding she leave a room of men, and to then deal a powerful slap in the face of a man who objected.

Music, sports and beards

Turabi was notorious for ripping music tapes from cars, stringing up hundreds of meters of destroyed cassettes in trees and signposts. He demanded men wear turbans in all government offices and his minions routinely beat men whose beards had been trimmed. Sports were banned, and Turabi’s legion of enforcers forced men to the mosque for prayers five times daily.

In this week’s interview with the AP, Turabi spoke to a woman journalist. 

“We are changed from the past,” he said. 

Allowing cell phones to spread the deterrent effect of public punishments 

He said now the Taliban would allow television, mobile phones, photos and video “because this is the necessity of the people, and we are serious about it.” He suggested that the Taliban saw the media as a way to spread their message. “Now we know instead of reaching just hundreds, we can reach millions,” he said. He added that if punishments are made public, then people may be allowed to video or take photos to spread the deterrent effect.

The U.S. and its allies have been trying to use the threat of isolation — and the economic damage that would result from it — to pressure the Taliban to moderate their rule and give other factions, minorities and women a place in power.

But Turabi dismissed criticism over the previous Taliban rule, arguing that it had succeeded in bringing stability. “We had complete safety in every part of the country,” he said of the late 1990s.

Source: The Associated Press, Kathy Gannon, September 23, 2021

Wednesday, September 22, 2021

Monday, September 20, 2021








 

  
Le grand remplacement continue...


English Touring Opera drops 14 white musicians - including many who have played with the company for 20 years - in woke drive to 'increase diversity'


The English Touring Opera has dropped 14 white musicians in a woke drive to 'increase diversity' in the company.    

The musicians, aged 40 to 66, have been told they will not be offered contracts with the company in Spring 2022 citing diversity guidance from the Arts Council England, the Sunday Times reported. 

The musicians, who officially work as freelancers, can be dropped from the opera season-on-season but many have played with the company for up to 20 years and consider it a permanent job. 

The Arts Council England has hit back at the ETO, which it funds to the tune of £1.78 million a year, saying it never encouraged the company to sack musicians.

'We did not instruct the English Touring Opera to send this letter,' the Council said. 'We are now in conversation with ETO to ensure no funding criteria have been breached'.   

ETO director James Conway wrote to musicians, telling them the company was 'going through some significant changes' that included 'increasing all kinds of diversity in its team'. 

He said the opera would prioritise 'increased diversity in the orchestra' as there have been 'steady advances' in this area on stage. 

Conway added the decision was 'in line with the firm guidance of the Arts Council'. 

The move was condemned by the musician's union which said it was 'appalled' by the letter. 

'This equates to almost half the orchestra losing their roles', it added. 'Many of the members who have been told they will not be booked for the 2022 have been performing with ETO for 20 years or more.'

The ETO did not reply to requests for comment ahead of publication. 

There are currently no musicians of a non-white background in the orchestra, which is set to resume shows next month.  

The orchestra tours towns and cities in the UK with live productions and educational projects, reaching nearly 50,000 people a year, according to its website.  

It is the latest blow to musicians, who were unable to work for the majority of the pandemic and were forced to rely on grants and loans. 

Musicians said they had hoped the Spring 2022 season would see them return to work and be an opportunity to repay debts racked up during the pandemic. 

The ETO has said it will consider the musicians for future productions and praised the 'commitment and achievement' of all freelance players. 

The opera will return next month with a production of Handel's Amadigi. 

Source: MailOnline, Staff, September 12, 2021


 

Once A Jolly Religion


Sudan | Prisoners convicted as children
by Shariah courts await execution — or a miracle


"The Sudan Child Act 2010 stipulated in Article 4 that the age of [adult responsibility] is 18 years old. [However], the Supreme Court has decided in recent precedents that an adult as defined by Article 3 of the 1991 Criminal Act is in fact the accurate definition which must be adhered to considering that the Criminal Act is based on Islamic sharia provisions which rely on the appearance of characteristics or signs of puberty when determining the age of the person."

In mid-2017, Abbas Nur called his father, Mohammed, and said: "Dad, the prison administration has started the procedures for my execution. They measured the size of my neck and my weight. They will execute Fadl Al-Mawla tomorrow, and afterwards, I will be executed."

In mid-2021 Nur and three of his fellow inmates are still awaiting execution for "crimes" committed and for which they were convicted when they were under 18 years old; when they were legally children. The death sentence remains in clear violation of Sudan's Child Act 2010.

Mudthar Al-Reeh, Fadl Al-Mawla, Ahmad Jibril and Abbas Nur were all convicted and sentenced to death for murder under Article 130 of Sudan's 1991 Criminal Act. So far, efforts to overturn the sentence have failed. They have spent years behind bars in harsh conditions, including being kept alongside adults.

Nur's life changed forever on 27 August 2013 when he stabbed a boy to death during a fight in his neighbourhood. He was 15 years old at the time. He was held under tight security in Rufaa police station in the central Sudanese state of Al-Jazirah. On 7 January 2014, he appeared before a court to face charges. On 2 September that same year, his case was transferred to the Court of Appeal that ruled that he should be treated as an adult.

His lawyer, Taha Fadl Taha, who is defending Nur and the other three, said that their cases are "the strangest in Sudanese courts in terms of violations and extreme injustice." Taha is a member of Al-Insaf Centre for the Defence of Human Rights in Khartoum. "Abbas violated the law when he was 15 years old, and the court sentenced him a year later to death by hanging, in violation of local and international laws," he explained.

According to his father, Nur got into a fight with a friend while playing football in Wad Madani in central Sudan. "The fighting escalated and Abbas stabbed his friend to death."

The trial court demanded Nur's transfer to Dar Al-Tadbeer youth detention centre in Khartoum, but the later Court of Appeal decision to treat him as an adult meant that he could face the death penalty.

In its decision no. 355/2014, the Criminal Department at the Supreme Court explained the Court of Appeal's move: "The Sudan Child Act 2010 stipulated in Article 4 that the age of [adult responsibility] is 18 years old. [However], the Supreme Court has decided in recent precedents that an adult as defined by Article 3 of the 1991 Criminal Act is in fact the accurate definition which must be adhered to considering that the Criminal Act is based on Islamic sharia provisions which rely on the appearance of characteristics or signs of puberty when determining the age of the person."

The death sentences handed down to the four who were children when the crimes were committed pushed human rights organisations to launch a campaign against the execution of children. Protests were held outside the judiciary headquarters in Khartoum during the trials. Campaigners called for the death sentences to be overruled, and succeeded in convincing the authorities to remove the handcuffs and leg chains from the children in prison. Like all of those sentenced to death, the children were handcuffed and kept in fetters because the Sudanese Penal Code stipulates this for prisoners awaiting execution.

The campaign organisers and other Sudanese human rights activists pinned their hopes on the Constitutional Court, the country's highest judicial authority. However, the Constitutional Court had a different opinion.

"The sentence was issued according to a law that is not backed by any logic," said Taha. "We submitted an appeal to the Constitutional Court as we were seeking justice for Abbas. The court said that the case did not fall within its jurisdiction. However, the court had said otherwise in a previous case when it had issued its verdicts. It was based on this jurisdiction that it previously ordered the implementation of the Child Act in similar cases and revoked the death penalty. When it came to [Abbas's] case though, the court deviated from this usual approach and said it had no jurisdiction to look into the case."

It is worth noting that judges can convene and reject an appeal if they deem there to be legal justifications for doing so.

"Abbas told me he that he'd prefer to be executed as soon as possible rather than live through this torment and anticipation," said his father, Mohammed. "Every time I speak to him, he tells me: 'This could be my last day, dad'."

Fadl Al-Mawla's father echoed Mohammed Nur's concerns: "This year, Fadl will have spent nine years in prison. He has been prepared for execution twice. He lives in constant fear and anxiety. Nevertheless, he sat the examination of the intermediate certificate when in prison, which will allow him to attend high school later."

Al-Mawla committed a crime when he was 15 years old in 2012. He was referred to trial but the administration of the prison in central Sudan refused to admit him because he was a child. "That same year, he was transferred to Dar Al-Tadbeer youth detention centre," added his father. "He was later transferred to a civilian prison, by which time he had been sentenced to death. He has been living in fear ever since because he is locked up with adults. This is in addition to the burdensome financial costs for his family as he needs 30,000 Sudanese pounds ($60) a month for his expenses inside prison. I had to quit work because of the ongoing trials and the reconciliation efforts that have so far failed."

To explain this change of approach while handling the case — i.e. treating children as adults — former judge and international legal advisor Dr Omar Ibrahim Kabashi said: "Death sentences against children have been confused due to the Child Act of 2010 and its definition of children as all persons below the age of 18. As a result, the Supreme Court decided that the Child Act violates Islamic sharia provisions, which leave it to judges to determine the age of majority of a child based on appearance and various characteristics [of puberty]." However, he pointed out, there is another opinion on this matter. "This could have been cleared up by looking at legal precedents when the Constitutional Court made precedent number 51/2013 and revoked a death sentence based on the definition of a child in the Child Act. The Constitutional Court thus decided that the Child Act does not violate Islamic sharia. Hence, it is important to refer to the precedents of the Supreme Court in Port Sudan, east of Sudan, known locally as the Malasi precedents that are based on a study carried out by 3 legal experts in childhood affairs: Dr Umayma Abdelwahab, Dr Mustafa Abboud and myself."

When examining judicial decisions made by the same Constitutional Court's judges who handed down the death sentence to the four children, it was seen that there have been verdicts that prohibited the execution of those who are below 18 years old. In 2013, the Constitutional Court finalised the contradiction between the Child Act 2010 and the 1991 Criminal Act when it confirmed the inadmissibility of the death penalty in its verdicts in one of its cases (N.Q. Constitutional Court – M.D./Q.D./2005).

A similar approach was adopted in the case of child (M.D./Q.D./2018) and of child S.N. when it was decided that it was inadmissible to execute anyone below the age of 18 years even if they commit crimes of "hudud" (Qur'anic prescribed punishment) and crimes of "qisas" (retaliatory punishment) because the applied law is the Child Act 2010 and not the 1991 Criminal Act.

However, according to Yasser Salim Shalby, the director of the Child Rights Institute, some judges have a different opinion. "Some judges think that the Child Act contradicts Islamic sharia and believe that ages of detainees must be determined based on the indication of their puberty and not their actual age. Despite the fact that the Child Act 2010 clearly stipulated that a child is anyone below the age of 18 years, some judges think otherwise."

Shalby pointed out that during some training courses organised for judges by the institute, some of them firmly rejected the execution of children. "However, they have actually issued verdicts sentencing those below the age of 18 years to death. When asked about this, they would argue that these convicts are not children but adults. When we noted that state institutions, like the armed forces, do not recruit anyone below the age of 18 in their ranks and that driving licences are not issued to anyone below this age as well, they rejected this argument and upheld their positions."

In Abbas Nur's case, UNICEF issued a statement describing the verdict as a dangerous violation of international conventions. Tahani Elmobasher from the Child Protection section in UNICEF in Sudan voiced great concern over the verdicts: "We learnt about the Constitutional Court's decision in support of the death sentence handed down to children. After researching the circumstances of the crime, we learnt that Abbas Nur committed the crime and was sentenced to death when he was still 15 years old. Afterwards, we, along with a number of children's rights activists, began addressing the case."

In 2019, following the collapse of the Islamist government in Sudan, which was known for its extremism, radical changes were made to a number of laws. The Justice Ministry approved amendments of some local laws such as ending the contradiction between the Criminal Law and the Family and Children Law, an amendment that children's rights organisations have long been demanding.

Those already in prison, though, could not benefit from these amendments as they have been through the entire legal process that ended with the Constitutional Court's verdicts that must be implemented. In short, any amendments cannot be applied retrospectively.

In a report published in 2010, the Committee on the Rights of the Child voiced its "concern at recent reports that children's death penalties continue to be carried out" in Sudan. It reminded the government in Khartoum that "the application of the death penalty to children is a grave violation of articles 6 and 37 (a) of the Convention [on the Rights of the Child]."

The Secretary-General of the National Council for Child Welfare in Sudan, Othman Sheeba, has revealed for the first time the numbers of children who face the possibility of execution. "There are around 100 children who face the possibility of execution under Article 130 according to statistics we collected in 2019. 20 of them had their cases settled with the victims' families, and they have been released, but the rest still face the possibility of a death sentence under Article 130, and they are supposed to benefit from the new amendments. However, we can say that death penalties against children are now a thing of the past."

Taha, however, is not so optimistic about the amendments made to the Criminal Act. "As men of law, we doubt that amending the contradiction in the Criminal Act can put an end to death sentences against children. When the children were sentenced to death, the Child Act was already in place, and what actually happened was a violation of that Act. Therefore, this amendment to the Criminal Act can also be violated and other children can be sentenced to death. The actual problems lie in the fact that some judges believe that the Child Act violates Islamic sharia, so they overlook the terms of the Act based on their ideological beliefs."

Former Sudanese Member of Parliament Dr Aisha Al-Ghabshawi commented on the controversy regarding the Child Act's violation of Islamic sharia and death sentences against children in a report prepared by the Child Rights Institute in cooperation with UNICEF. "Islamic scholar Shams Al-A'imma Al-Sarakhsi said that, according to one account, Imam Abu Hanifa fixed the age of puberty for boys at 18 years old, and according to a second account, he fixed it at the age of 19 years old, the latter being the accurate version," she explained. "In his book Al-Ashbah wa'l-Nazai'r (page 306), Hanafi scholar Zainuddin Bin Najim explained this further by saying: 'He is a foetus as long as he is in his mother's womb, and once he is born, he is a boy until puberty and a child until he is 19 years old."

Meanwhile, Sheeba is hoping to save the four children using a different approach. "The death sentence has not been revoked despite going through the entire litigation process. However, we hope we will save them. We are working with the aggrieved party to move towards an amnesty and reaching a settlement so that the victims' families accept 'diya' [blood money]."

Source: Middle East Monitor, Noureddine Jadat, Opinion, September 15, 2021

 

















Friday, September 17, 2021

Thursday, September 16, 2021